European Politics Essay Example for Free

European Politics Essay Not long after taking office as President, Nicolas Sarkozy initiated a bold agenda of sweeping governmental and economic reform which enflamed controversy and engendered violent confrontation within the French government and among the French population regarding both the state of economic parity within French society, and Frances role in a swiftly changing global-political climate. Sarkozy, a former member of the National Assembly, a two-time appointee as Minister of the Interior, and a past President of the UMP, rose to prominence as a widely popular (and also widely unpopular) figure in the conservative wing of French politics. Although Sarkozys personal and romantic life as well as his financial dealings and his public image have all fallen under the intense scrutiny of the French and International media, the most controversial issues associated with President Sarkozy have generally been and continue to be issue and policy oriented. Prior to being elected President, Sarkozy made International news headlines when, as Minister of the Interior, Sarkozy, insisted that Muslim women pose bare-headed for official identity photographs (Scott, 2005), a move which provoked a storm of opposition within France and throughout the globe. However, Sarkozys intentions were even much wider than revealed by his policy regarding identity photos; Sarkozys main recommendation, accepted by Chirac in January 2004, was for a law prohibiting the wearing of ostentatious signs of religious affiliation in public schools. This is now the law of the land (Scott, 2005). Sarkozys record prior to becoming President indicated that he was a man unafraid to pursue a controversial course of action. As president, one of Sarkozys first publically criticized actions was his handling of a Libyan hostage crisis which involved the retrieval of Belgian health-care workers who had been held in Libya. In return for releasing the Belgians, the Libyan dictator Gaddafi was able to gain President Sarkozys signature on a treaty which transferred hundreds of millions of euros, along with important military equipment to Libya. This move was met not only with criticism but with a call for an investigation at the parlimentary level which was requested by the head of the French Socialist Party. Although this single example may seem slight in light of the forthcoming discussion regarding governmental reform and the EU policy on climate change which will form the heart of the present study of Sarkozys administration, the incident is illustrative of the odd duality which seems to stamp itself on many of Sarkozys policies, programs, and initiatives. The duality is one rooted on one side in what many might consider a superficial, yet effective, understanding of public image and political theater; on the other side, it is rooted in what many might call brutally pragmatic economics. Critics of Sarkozy go further than to call the President an economic pragmatist. Many members of Sarkozys own conservative party, the UMP, have criticized the President for being a strong advocate of free-trade while simultaneously backing sweeping reforms in the working-class sector including his â€Å"loi de modernisation de leconomie† (Lawday, 2007), or Modernization of the Economy Law which in addition to relaxing federal restrictions on retail prices and work-regulations, allowed workers who worked over thirty-five hours a week to collect their overtime pay tax-free. If, basically, Sarkozys economic policies reflect a free-market, self-responsibility venture that he claims every advanced country in Europe, from Britain to those in Scandinavia, and lately Germany, has adopted to its advantage (Lawday, 2007) they also reflect an essentially conservative philosophy which stands in odd contrast to Sarkozys iconoclastic image as an agent of change. As one observer phrased it, Sarkozys economic philosophy and national economic program represents not so much novelty as catch-up politics with a conservative twist (Lawday, 2007) and, as such, Sarkozys economic programs include the curbing of labor unions and their power. These aspects of Sarkozys approach to government and economic matters leaves little room for doubt that at least in relation to financial matters the President is a true conservative, although his vision may be, overall, a bit more modern than that which is commonly associated with conservatism, the end-result is the same. Sarkozys economic philosophies are important not only because they impact one of the most crucial sectors of public policy and governmental influence in France the economy but also because they indicate the aforementioned duality of purpose and bearing which seems to stand as part and parcel of Sarkozys political career. If on e the one hand, Sarkozy wanted to amend the 35-hour working week so that it is no longer the reposeful regulation it implies (Lawday, 2007), he also sought to simultaneously force strikers to maintain a minimum service for trains, buses and other public services (Lawday, 2007) and to slice into the bloated state bureaucracy, where the unions are strongest, by permitting one replacement for every two retiring government office workers (Lawday, 2007) while at the same time admitting in the face of the recent global economic crisis that laissez faire capitalism is dead. The economic platform and policies which Sarkozy has advocated indicate that above all else Sarkozy is a pragmatist. This fact is s very useful fact because, by keeping it firmly in mind, a more complete understanding of Sarkozy the politician can be gained. In point of fact, most of what passes for populism in Sarkozys public image is precisely due to his pragmatic approach. His populist reputation as a French nationalist who is for robust immigration reform may collide somewhat uncomfortably with his status as the (rotating) President of the European Union, just as his stand on unions collides with his recent, public statements regarding socialism where Sarkozy responded to the question: have you become a socialist? with the answer Maybe (Lawday, 2007). Sarkozys radicalism which stands in sharp contrasts to his fiscal conservatism and his conservatism on issues such as immigration and unions manifests itself not in ideology, necessarily, but within the framework of his aforementioned pragmatism. In other words, Sarkozy may be a populist to the extent that he adopts positions which will curry favor with French Nationalists, such as the headscarf legislation mentioned at the opening of this paper, he may be a fiscal conservative bent on busting the unions and generating a productive working class base for French society, but in each case his convictions, while arguably difficult to pin down under a single umbrella of ideology, are always enacted by way of robust action. Sarkozy may be many things, but one thing he certainly is not is a dawdler. One of the most illustrative examples of Sarkozys style and substance as a leader, and specifically as the President of France, is his massive reform of French government and the displacement of governmental power. Although as will be demonstrated shorty Sarkozys controversial reforms to French government have the design and purpose of bringing the government into the modern era of global-politics and allowing for a more efficiently run government within France itself, the same reforms have been assailed by Sarkozy;s critics, primarily by the French Socialist party, as being tantamount to instating a dictatorship in France with Sarkozy himself enthroned as dictator. Although the specificities and complexities of Sarkozys reforming of French government pose much too vast a too vast to exhaust within the confines of this short discussion, the overall impact and intention of his reform policies offer profound insight into not Sarkozys ambitions as President but into the potentially radical reshaping of French government as well as Frances relationship to the EU. Before delving into the specifics of the reform legislation, it is useful to remember just how the French Constitution regarded the separation of governmental powers and more importantly what role the President of France was accorded by the Fifth Republics Constitution. Because Sarkozys program of governmental reform offers, as a centerpiece, the apparent expansion of Presidential power and authority, while simultaneously strengthening the role and power of parliament, sorting out the specific angles by which Sarkozy enabled the expansion of Presidential power can be quite difficult to achieve. However, the role of the French President, according to the Fifth Republics Constitution was limited: Article 5 [ ] states that the President ‘Provides by their arbitration for the regular functioning of the public authorities and the continuity of the State’ (Bell, 2000, p. 15), with nothing mentioned about the Presidents own power to legislate. This aspect of the Constitution is the key area by which Sarkozy sought to expand, in the eyes of the anti-reformers, Presidential power. Specifically, the most controversial aspect of the reform-laws was Sarkozys plan to allow the president to address parliament, opening up the possibility of a US State of the Union-style address. That has not been permitted since 1875, in an attempt to keep the executive and legislative branches separate (BBC News), and it is by this seemingly simple move that Sarkozy expanded Presidential authority while simultaneously seeming to limit that same authority. Because the Fifth Republics Constitution calls for the President to function as an arbitrator the American-style Presidency of the President as the leader of the legislature, addressing parliament, becomes a specter of dread to those who view this as an incursion on the Constitutional separation of powers. While it is true that Article 5, which implicitly restricts the Presidency, has been a subject of controversy (Bell, 2000, p. 15), Sarkozys expansion of Presidential authority has proven to be even more divisive. Sarkozys plan to rewrite the Fifth Republics Constitution represents the two primary aspects of his governing style which have formed the roots of the current discussion; these aspects are his inherent conservatism and his obvious pragmatism. The reform legislation introduced radical, pragmatic steps toward affecting sweeping change in France and rewrote the French Constitution, but while Sarkozy verbalized his assurances that the reforms represented Movement, change, modernity,' (BBC News) as well as a victory for French democracy, the same reforms also contributed to the strengthening of Presidential authority and resulted in a divided parliament with Sarkozys reform bill passing by 539 votes to 357 one vote more than the three-fifths majority of the combined Assembly and Senate required to pass the reforms BBC News), so if strengthening democracy was Sarkozys intention, his initial result was to divide the parliament and pass a sweeping reform to the French Constitution with next-to-no consensus. This fact in itself would seem to confirm the trepidation regarding his proposed reforms (now law) which engulfed his detractors in parliament. One of these detractors, Socialist senator Bernard Frimat told lawmakers before t he vote at a special session at the Chateau of Versailles (BBC News) that Sarkozy had offered a consolidation of monocracy, (BBC News) but Sarkozy, always careful to play to populist ideas and ideals, counter-weighted the expansion of Presidential authority with corresponding limits and restrictions on the French Presidency. The reform laws while strengthening the Presidents role in the legislature also limit the President to two five year terms, gives parliament a veto over some presidential appointments, ends government control over parliaments committee system, allows parliament to set its own agenda, and ends the presidents right of collective pardon (BBC News). Seemingly, by these latter reforms, Sarkozy was interested in limiting not expanding the powers of the French President; however the telling point of the reform laws as they relate to the French Presidency lies within the mere expansion of the Presidents role as a lawmaker rather than, as the Fifth Republics Constitution advocated, a a neutral ‘umpire’ who has three principal tasks: i) to see that the Constitution is respected; ii) to ‘arbitrate’ to ensure the continuity of the state; iii) to be vigilant on the issues of national independence, territorial integrity and the respect for treaties (Bell, 2000, p. 16). Sarkozys vision of the President and the reform legislation he was able to enact to realize this vision stands in direct opposition to Article 5 of the French Constitution. Sarkozys radical pragmatism extends beyond the parameters and confines of French domestic issues into the realm of International affairs. As the acting President of the European Union, Sarkozy has applied a similarly hands on approach to issues of international importance such as climate change. As illustrated by Sarkozys reform legislation and the somewhat concealed agenda therein which provided for the expansion of Presidential authority, Sarkozy seems to have adopted a similar approach to his position as EU President. On the topic of global warming and climate change, Sarkozy has proven to be as pragmatic and as forceful as he was on the issues of crime, immigration, and government reform in France. At the thirty-third summit of the G8, Sarkozy offered a plan to reduce French CO2 emissions by half and what followed was the adoption of this concept by the G8 nations as a whole. Although the agreement which was reached at the summit was non-binding, Sarkozys lead enabled the G8 nations to put forth a collective plan to cut in half the global emissions of greenhouse gasses. Sarkozy continued to push for a binding agreement, but his efforts proved futile. Nevertheless, his approach to the issue of climate change represented, as his approach to governmental reform. a pragmatic and comprehensive approach to a hard problem. Of interest is the fact that the binding agreement regarding greenhouse gas emissions was apparently blocked by the United States with its President, George W, Bush, citing the refusal of third-world nations to also enter into the agreement. Responding tot his obstacle, Sarkozy turned his efforts not toward America or the Third World, but to China, utilizing his status as EU President to put forward a comprehensive and progressive energy policy which included a collaborative effort with the Chinese. Sarkozys successful brokering of a deal on energy adn climate change between the EU adn China marks one of the most important accomplishments of his pragmatic and often radical approach to governing. It is due to this combination of tenacity and creativity that Sarkozy has evolved from a controversial cabinet member in the French government known mostly for being a strong conservative to an actor on the world stage who seems to be equal parts populist and conservative. It is, perhaps, not necessary, to understand which of the aspects, conservative or populist is dominant in Sarkozy, it is possibly not even that important to understand, at a personal, human level, which aspect represents more honestly Sarkozys own world-view. While some observers may claim that Sarkozys populism is merely a smokescreen to conceal his ambitious moves toward a consolidation of personal power, others may claim, with good reason, that Sarkozys populism represents a genuine attempt to represent the global sea-change which has currently cast global economics and world-affairs into an ambiguous and dangerous place. No matter which of these perspectives lies closer to the objective truth of Sarkozy the man, the result of Sarkozys actions as a world-leader will involve much more than a consideration of President Sarkozys motives. One of the most compelling aspects of Sarkozy as a world leader is his simultaneous insistence of modernity while maintaining an acute, almost reverential, respect for the past. Like the other dualities apparent in Sarkozys governing style adn thinking style, this duality of past vs. future manifest, in Sarkozy, not as an abstract idealogy but in pragmatic application. In addition to his highly controversial reforms in regard to economics, government, unions, immigration, and climate change, Sarkozy has also generated a great deal of controversy regarding his position of cultural subjects and education in France. While seeming to be a strong nationalist with a true conservatives reverence for tradition, Sarkozy has readily admitted that France has failed to democratize its culture and that in doing so, accomplished one of the chief failures of the past 50 years of French government (Sarkozy out to Democratize, 2007, p. B01). As always, his suggested course of action revealed a blend of populism and conservatism and fused the cultural concerns of France with the power of the French government: Sarkozy defined democratisation de la culture as providing the means for the largest number of people to understand and appreciate Sophocles, Shakespeare and Racine. He added that the purpose of education is to teach you how to tell the difference between Madame Bovary and a police blotter, or between Antigone and Harry Potter. Later, you can read what you like. (Sarkozy out to Democratize, 2007, p. B01) In conclusion, Sarkozys style of governing offers a curious and sometimes uncomfortable blend of populism and conservatism. In the area of domestic policy, he has proven to be both radical in his approach and keenly aware of the political impact of his pragmatic reforms, on international issues he has proven to be creative, opportunistic, and decisive. While Sarkozys bold embracing of modernity may be authenticated by his actions in some cases, many of his policies and programs reveal an essentially conservative politician who seeks, not merely reform, but the type of reform which ensures the continuation of his carefully crafted ideological beliefs.

The Colour Purple Essay Example for Free

The Colour Purple Essay Drama Essay Comparison of own improvisation with The Colour Purple  In this essay I am going to compare and analyse the differences and similarities between my improvisation and a film called The Colour Purple. My groups play was based upon a certain part of a painting, painted by our drama teacher Mr. Burgon. The painting was used as a stimulus. Our part of the painting was showing a man in a mask painting a car. WE had to build up upon it and produce a lengthy piece. The themes of our improvisation and The Colour Purple are violence and domestic problems, abuse. Our play could be thought of as quite controversial, as it deals with domestic violence, child abuse, and rape to a certain extent. In order to make our improvisation as realistic as possible, and not too offensive I decided to research the topic in more depth. Therefore I searched the Internet for information about the victims. I found out that the majority of the people affected were molested in their childhood/early teens. Most of them were naà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½ve and not fully aware of what was going on around them. A large amount was in a single parent family. I also found out that the experience had an immense effect on their adult life. Most are not able to have a sex life, they rely on anti-depressants, self-harm etc. I think that it was harder to cope for abused women in the Colour Purple because they had no one and no-where to run away to, whereas today women can call help-lines etc. to help them through their problems.  In our piece I play the role of Jade, a long distance relative (cousin) who 14 years ago was raped by Eddie, who then married Jades cousin Alison. She couldnt have children so they decided to adopt a child. Jade fell pregnant at 14 with Eddie, so she gave away her baby to him and Alison and Eddie raised up their child without her knowing that she was her cousins baby. According to Eddie Ellie (the child) is the source of all problems (not only finantional, but moral as well). He blamed Ellie for him relationship with Alison not working out. Another play that portrays similar family issues is The Colour Purple. This was set about a century ago (1900s) and can be firstly considered as completely different from our play, but if we take a closer look, we realize that there are some unusual similarities. Cilia are a young black youth, who at 14 was raped twice by her father. He is a rapist and an abuser. As a result to the rapes Cilia gives birth to two children: Olivia and Adam, who are taken away from her. Surprisingly a very similar situation occurs in my play where Eddie rapes Jade and he takes her baby to bring up as his own with Alison. In The Colour Purple Celia is shown as a young vulnerable girl, who gets raped by her father, then chucked out the house. She was forced to marry a grown-up man and move in with him. But that is not the end to her troubles. In the film we can clearly see the family status. We see that the husband is very important, and makes all the decisions. Celia has to call him sir.  In my play the family status is also publicized, but its not as drastic. I.e. Alison doesnt have to call Eddie sir. WE can clearly see he has control over Alison at the Dinner table scene: Alison: Ill just get the phone.  Eddie: [slams down hands on table] NO!!!!! SIT DOWN!!!!  In my improvisation as well as The Colour Purple the husband is a control-freak and the wife is scared to stand up to him. They might be afraid of his reaction or might think that he will go completely berserk and try to do something terrible. I.e. murder, or beat thoroughly. In The Colour Purple this is very clear when Celia is shaving her husband and he says you cut me and Ill kill you. Celia is scared and tries hard not to cut him. In my play Alison doesnt stand up to Eddie when he yells at her to sit down, she just obeys him in silence.  The way both characters deal with the abuse is different , because in the end Alison tells Jade that Eddie is abusing her and Ellie. Whereas Cilia, doesnt tell anyone about her troubles, she keep it all inside her. They deal in different way, but yet the abuse is very similar. Both characters get raped ( Cilia and Jade), both character are abused by their fathers ( Cilia and Ellie). I have noticed that the different things that happened throughout my play to 3 different characters( Jade, Ellie Alison) happened to one character in The Colour Purple. Also in The Colour Purple the husband cant do anything for himself. When he brings home a woman from a bar, he tried to cook for her , but he is completely useless.  There is a very similar situation in my play when Alison and Ellie leave Eddie and the flat is very messy, there is rubbish lying around everywhere, empty beer cans, half-eaten ready meals etc.  Even though both plays were set about a century apart, they still have many similarities involving family issues such as family status, respect, domestic violence (abuse). They both show how victims cope with the abuse and what effect it has on their lives.

Analysing The Malaysian Construction Industry Construction Essay

Analysing The Malaysian Construction Industry Construction Essay Abstract: The Malaysian construction industry is undergoing a transitional change from an industry employing conventional technology to a more systematic and mechanized system. This new system is now known as the Industrialized Building System (IBS). This new method of construction can increase productivity and quality of work through the use of better construction machinery, equipment, materials and extensive pre-project planning. This study becomes very necessary since there is yet no organized body, which can provide the necessary information on the building cost comparison between the conventional system and industrialized building system in Malaysias construction industry. This study also addresses the building cost comparison of the conventional system and industrialized building system of formwork system. It provides the details building cost between the conventional system and the formwork system and indicates which of the two is cheaper. The data were collected through quest ionnaire survey and case study, which consisting of institutional buildings. Through the statistical test t-test it is shown that there is a significant difference in cost saving for the conventional system as compared to the formwork system (industrialized building system) Key words: Conventional, Formwork System, Building Cost, Comparison INTRODUCTION The Malaysian construction industry is undergoing a transitional change from an industry employing conventional technologies to a more systematic and mechanized system employing the latest computer and communication technologies. This is vital for the future health of the industry, given the trend towards global competition and the advent of the k-economy. The Industrialized Building System (IBS) has been introduced in Malaysia since the 60s by the use of precast concrete beam-column elements. Since the demand of building construction has increased rapidly, it is necessary to innovate a construction method, which speeds up the building construction process. Abdullah et ad. [1] has listed the various types of building systems currently available in Malaysia. Few definitions of industrialized building system are also given by various authors [2]. To sum-up, in general, the IBS is a methodology whereby a local construction industry is driven towards the adoption of an integrated and encouraging key players in the construction industry to produce and utilize pre-fabricated and mass production of the building at their work sites. This will help to enhance the efficiency of construction process, allowing a higher productivity, quality, time and cost saving. The construction cost of a building using precast components should be assessed in its overall context. The traditional method of costing by material quantities with a fixed factor for labor cost can lead to incorrect estimation. For example, if labor usage is halved, this will more than compensate for a 10% material increase. More importantly, there is saving in time. Also, if properly designed and executed, precast can lead to much better quality of work. The overall cost impact of precast has therefore to take all these factors into consideration. With the rising costs of labor and less assurance of dependable skilled manpower, the trend is that precast construction will become increasingly competitive compared to cast-in-place construction [3]. Classification of Industrialized Building System Industrialization: The Oxford English Dictionary (1991) defines industrialization as the process of industrializing or fact of being industrialized; also, the conversion of an organization into an industry. However, industrialization in this study means industrial methods employed, referring to especially, prefabrication, mechanization and standardization. The meaning of prefabricated, according to the same dictionary, is, to manufacture, sections of building or similar structure, in a factory or yard prior to their assembly on a site. However, prefabrication in this study is the assembly of buildings or their components at a location other than the building site. The types of construction methods range from a conventional construction method to fully prefabricated construction method. Generally, the construction methods are classified here into four categories: * Conventional construction method * Cast-in-situ * Composite method * Fully pre-fabricated method. Conventional Construction Method: Conventional building method is defined as components of the building that are pre-fabricated on site through the processes or timber or plywood formwork installation, steel reinforcement and cast in-situ. Conventional building are, mostly built of reinforced concrete frames [4]. The traditional construction method uses wooden formwork. It is much more costly for construction, which includes labor, raw material, transportation and low speed of construction time [5]. Cast-in-situ Construction Method: This system is suitable for a country where unskilled labor is limited. There is no heavy machinery or high technology involved. The system is technically applicable to almost all types of building. Formwork is used as a mould, where wet concrete, is poured into a temporary system. The temporary system also acts as a temporary support for the structures. The objective of in-situ method is to eliminate and to reduce the traditional site based trades like traditional timber formwork, brickwork, plastering and to reduce labor content. A carefully planned in-situ work can maximize the productivity, speed and accuracy of prefabricated construction. Cast in-situ method uses lightweight prefabricated formwork made of steel/fiberglass/aluminum that is easily erected and dismantled. The steel reinforcement is placed within the formwork as they are being erected and concrete is poured into the mould. When the concrete is set according to the required strength the mould are dismantled. The workers can be trained easily to erect the moulds and set the steel reinforcement. Its advantages over the traditional construction method are, its low skill requirement, can be quickly constructed, maintenance is low, structure is durable and cost can be less [5]. Composite Construction Method: The objectives of composite construction method (partially prefabricated) are to improve quality, reduce cost and shorten construction time. The concept of partial industrialized is derived from the composite nature of full industrialization and is used to describe a manufacturing or production strategy that selectively uses some industrializing aspects, while avoiding or postponing the use of others. The prefabricated construction method is combined in such a manner the features applied could be prominently demonstrated especially composing various work such as temporary facilities, building frames, building finishes and equipments [5]. Fully Prefabricated Construction Method: In this method of construction, all elements that can be standardized are prefabricated in the factory. Normally, this method would involve the assembly of precast elements such as floor slabs, in filled walls, bathrooms, staircases, etc. into place for incorporation into the main unit, columns and beams. This method of construction has reduced the amount of site labor involved in building operations and increased the productivity of the industry. Precast building systems can reduce the duration of a project if certain conditions are met [6]. The last three construction methods are considered nonconventional construction methods. These types of construction are specifically aimed to increase productivity and quality of work through the use of better construction machinery, equipment, technology and materials. The main important point to consider here is the particular construction method most suitable for a particular project [7]. Method of Cost Comparison in Construction Industry: During the past decade a large number of such studies has been carried out and published. In the existing studies three principal approaches for comparing costs of building projects among countries can be distinguished [8-11]: * Comparison of standardized identical buildings * Comparison of standard buildings with local modifications * Comparison of functionally similar buildings Comparison of Standardized Identical Buildings: With the first method exactly the same buildings work is priced on the basis of the same drawings and specifications. This is possible only in theory, largely as a result of national (or even regional) differences which exist in architecture, standards, availability of products, etc. The building and the costs will be comparable, but they are not necessarily representative. Comparison of Standard Buildings with Local Modifications: Better representivity can be achieved when modifications for local circumstances, like building codes, standards, specification levels, are taken into account. Comparison of Functionally Similar Buildings: With the third approach, typical, functionally similar buildings are compared: this means building types, which are representative. Not only locally divergent circumstances and quality-levels are taken into account, but also various performance and aesthetic criteria, which reflect typical client requirements or tenant expectations for a building in that sector. The buildings and the costs are representative, but not necessarily comparable. Arguably apples are being compared with oranges [12]. A meaningful comparison must take into account all relevant (time-dependant and quantity-dependant) cost components, classified as follows [13]: * Labour; Direct Indirect * Materials * Investment * General expenses (site and plant) * Transportation (for system construction only) * Overhead As for this study the method of cost comparison used is standardised identical buildings and functionally similar buildings while the unit is cost per gross floor area. Research Methodology: Data was collected by using mail questionnaire. To strengthen the finding of the survey and to assist in providing the information about building cost comparison study, a case study was also conducted. However the major approach was using questionnaire, considering such factors on sample size, time, cost and efforts. Questionnaire method was chosen as the appropriate approach for this study. Questionnaire can reach a large number of respondents in different locations of the country at a relatively lower cost, shorter time and less effort as compared to other data collection methods. The questionnaires were sent to the general manager, project manager, technical executive, managing director and project director. The questionnaires were mailed to the respondents, accompanied by a covering letter, self addressed and stamped envelope. The case study was conducted on building cost comparison of 1 unit 4-storey of school building project carried out by Public Works de partment, Malaysia, which uses conventional system and formwork system. Data gathered on building cost of building systems in Malaysia were processed and analyzed using Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS). RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Figure 1 shows building cost-saving in term of percentage. Forty tow percent of the respondents agreed that conventional construction method are more cost saving, 25% agreed that composite construction method are most cost saving, 21% agreed that formwork system are most cost saving. Last but not least only 12% agreed that prefabricated construction method are most cost saving. The previous study showed clearly the advantages of using formwork system (cast in-situ). These were speed, quality and economics [5]. However, the results of the analysis revealed that the conventional construction method is more cost saving compared to the IBS method. According to the reasons given by the respondents, the conventional system is more cost saving as compared to formwork system was because of better negotiations and chances to get the most competitive tender price appropriate to the developers budget. There is also flexibility in choosing alternative building materials at a lower cost. Therefore, building cost can be reduced. As for the IBS, there are limited to a few manufacturers or specialized contractors. This contributed to the higher cost of building due to higher licensing cost and they tend to be monopolized by the higher price of the building panel or other building components. Formwork System Case Study: The selected industrialized building system case study is based on formwork system. This system is suitable for a country where unskilled labor is limited. There is no heavy machinery or high technology involved. The system is technically applicable to almost all type of buildings. Formwork are used as a mould, where wet concrete, is poured into a temporary system. The temporary system also acts as a temporary support for the structures. This In-situ method is to eliminate and reduce the traditional site based trades like traditional timber formwork, brickwork, plastering and to reduce labor content. Carefully planned in-situ work can maximize the productivity, speed and accuracy of prefabricated construction [5]. The main objective of this case study is to study the cost comparison of school building cost of 1 unit 4-Storey (academic block) project carried out by Public Works Department, Malaysia, which uses conventional/traditional system and formwork sy stem. The conventional and formwork system building cost is based on analysis of the Elemental Cost Analysis (ECA) form. The formwork system is based on the combination of pre-fabrication and in-situ conventional construction, which features the utilization of permanent concrete for elements instead of conventional timber formwork. Building Cost Information: The main objective of this case study is to study the cost comparison of 4-storey school buildings, which used conventional/traditional system and formwork system. The conventional system building and the formwork system cost is based on elemental cost analysis form from the Public Work Department, Malaysia [14]. Cost Comparison: Table 1 shows the mean difference between 1 unit four storey school building of conventional and formwork system for 20 numbers of data. The mean cost of conventional system is RM 432 per square meter whereby the formwork system is RM 544 per square meter. The difference is RM112 per square meter. Although the difference is RM112 per square meter the total of the square meter for 1 unit 4-storey school building is about 2000 square meter. This shows that there is a wide difference between IBS and Conventional. In laymans term the IBS is very expensive. For example, if the government wish to build 20 school building of the same IBS, this means the cost will be very high. Therefore, all efforts must be made to reduce this so as to ensure the future use of IBS method is feasible. The t-test analysis is a statistical analysis to test the difference between two variables. The purpose is to show the significance level of the building cost comparison between 1 unit four storey school buildings using conventional system and formwork system. The present study used a two-tailed test The underlying reason for application of the two-tailed test over onetailed test is to ensure that the result obtained is compatible. If only one-tailed test is used, then the result obtained might not be the same with that of a two-tailed test. If the result shows the difference between conventional and formwork system is not significant then, the study cannot conclude that formwork system is more expensive than conventional system. Perhaps, The formwork system is only expensive for certain numbers of buildings based on 20 numbers of data available. Table 2 shows the result of the t-test conducted using IBS (formwork system) and conventional methods. It has been found that there is a 0.000 (last column) or 100% confidence level. This therefore, confirms that cost of building using formwork system method is expensive compared to the conventional method. The mean difference is RM 112 per square meter shows that formwork system is more expensive compared to conventional system. The highest building cost difference per square meter is RM 149 and the lowest difference is RM 75 per square meter. This analysis, which was carried out was based on Elemental Cost Analysis Form (ECA) from Public Works Department, Malaysia shows 1 unit 4-storey school building cost using conventional system and formwork system. The cost provided uses the same type of contract. With reference to Table 1, the mean cost of conventional system is RM 432 per square meter, where as the formwork system is RM 544 per square meter. The difference is RM 112 per square meter from 20 numbers of data. The results showed that the difference is significant with a 100% confidence levels. Therefore, the conventional cost is cheaper, compared to formwork system. This finding is in coherence with the results already obtained in an earlier survey analysis. CONCLUSION According to the reasons given by the respondents, the conventional system is more cost saving as compared to formwork system (IBS) since it provides better negotiation chances so as to obtain the most competitive tender price appropriate to the developers budget. There is also flexibility in choosing alternative building materials at lower cost. Therefore, building cost can be reduced. As for the IBS, there are limited to a few manufacturers or specialized contractors. This contributes to the higher cost of building since a higher licensing cost is levied on the IBS panel and they tend to be monopolized by the higher price of the building panel or other building components. From the results of the case study, it can be concluded that the conventional construction system is more cost saving as compared to the formwork system (IBS). The case study results are also in coherence with the result from the survey analysis. Most of the organized body in the construction industry thought that the building cost of IBS is more cost saving compared to conventional system. However, the present study proved the results was opposite to what was thought earlier.

Childhood and Adulthood in The Catcher in the Rye by J.D. Salinger Essa

Childhood and Adulthood in The Catcher in the Rye by J.D. Salinger   Ã‚  Ã‚   Holden Caulfield sees childhood as the ideal state of being. He thinks adulthood is filled with corrupt people. The only way anyone can win in the adult world is if the cards are stacked in his favor. The characters in The Catcher in the Rye play a diverse set of roles in the war between childhood and adulthood.      Ã‚  Ã‚   Children do not think of appearances very highly, but in order to be respected in the adult world you must always look your best. Holden did not care what people thought about him as long as he felt good. He would wear his red hunting cap backward (p. 18). He also would have his hair cut crew cut style, which is thought of as a kids haircut. Ackley is the absolute extreme of not just looking, bad but he also had terrible hygiene. He had mossy yellow teeth from not brushing them and bad acne(p.19). Adults always hide their imperfections to make themselves look good, but many are as Holden calls them, secret slobs (p. 27). Stradlater is a perfect example of this. He always shaves twice but never cleans his razor (p. 27). He will spend forever making sure his hair is perfect and all his clothes look just right. Sunny, the prostitute, bleaches her hair and dresses up nice to fit into the adult world (p.95). Mrs. Antolini, a married women, needs to look good when she goes out in public. The night Holden crashes there for a while, she looks terrible without her make-up and with rollers in her hair (p. 185). All that matters is she looks good by society's standards so she can be accepted into the adult world.      Ã‚  Ã‚   Children live on lasting compassionate memories, while adults go for empty sexual conquests. Holde... ... living. Mr. Antolini gets through to Holden a little better but is unable to keep his attention (p 181). Carl Luce is just a few years older than Holden and basically tells him he is immature and will always be the same (p. 136).Kids really want things to stay the same while adults want things to change and grow quicker than they should.      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Holden seems to be the only one fighting this war. When he makes an adult decision he always gets sick. When someone he loves makes an adult decision Holden gets very mad. The more he tries to keep kids from turning into adults the more depressed he becomes. As he goes crazy, life will become hell for him.       Childhood prolonged, cannot remain a fairyland. It becomes a hell (Louise Bogan).       Work Cited    Salinger, J.D.   The Catcher in the Rye.   Boston: Little, Brown, 1991.

Essay --

Jackson 1 GOOD COMMUNICATION IN THE BUSINESS WORLD In today’s competitive business world, effective communication is more important than ever. Everything done in the workplace involves communication. Effective relationships with staff, clients, vendors and superiors are critical. It also has an impact on a company’s overall profitability and longevity. In a workplace environment, where many people of different backgrounds and personalities interact on a daily basis, the ability to effectively communicate becomes critical to the success of the department and the company. George Bernard Shaw said, â€Å"The single biggest problem in communication is the illusion that it has taken place.† To effectively communicate, you must â€Å"speak the language† of many others. That could be as extreme as learning a foreign language, but is usually making sure that what has been said is positively received and processed by the listener. The speaker must use proper grammar, enunciation, and vocabulary, and then evaluate the effectiveness by the listener’s reaction. In the business world, it is unlikely that o...

Eulogy for Son :: Eulogies Eulogy

Eulogy for Son William was a very special person. His good qualities are endless. Since he was just a child, I always remember William sticking up for the family. When his sister, Lisa, was a baby, William would sit outside her room with a mask and cape on ready to rescue her in case she started crying. And, if William’s father or I were making too much noise, he was always quick to fly downstairs and tell us to keep quiet so not to disturb his little sister. That’s just the kind of person William was. He was a hero to all of us. As I look out into the crowd, I can’t help but see just how many lives William has touched. As a psychiatrist, but more importantly as a friend, William was able to come to the aid of those in need. He was a shoulder to lean on, always willing to lend a hand to help someone out, always willing to listen to someone’s problems and take the time to help resolve them. It would take me an eternity to list off all the special ways William has made a difference in my life. Whenever I was upset, whenever I needed someone, William’s sense of humor cheered me right up. No one can feel sad when William is around. I’ll always remember William as a person who was constantly finding humor in life no matter what the occasion. He was so full of life. It’s hard to imagine how I’m going to go a day without speaking to him because he’d call me every single day. I know he was a very busy man, but he would never forget to take the time to call me to see how I was. It’s the little things like that I’ll never forget about him. Although William’s death was sudden and came as a shock to all of us, I know in my heart he would not want for us to spend forever grieving. Rather, William would want us all to remember our favorite moments we spent with him. So, if you would all just take a quick minute or two to think about a happy time shared with him†¦ William’s life was far too brief, but he was able to accomplish many things.

Crowd Behaviour Essay

People are likely to act in bizarre ways in a crowd compared to as an individual. A crowd can be defined as a set of individuals who share a common social identification of themselves in terms of that crowd. Crowd members should also share common goals and act in a coherent member (Reicher, 2008). There have been extensive amounts of research into crowd psychology, investigating the apparent causes and reasons for such behaviour to occur. Many different theories exist to attempt to explain why people fall into this interesting state of social influence when they are in crowds. This essay will attempt to investigate how we might best explain crowd behaviour. Le Bon’s (1896) early attempt to explain this phenomenon suggested that crowd behaviours are pathological and abnormal, where people are reduced to a primitive or instinctive mode of behaviour. This theory proposes that feelings of anonymity cause people in a crowd to lose their sense of self and responsibility and act in ways that stem from a ‘group mind’. Through this group mind people are freed from social norms and natural animal instincts are released causing riots and irrational violence. However, since the initial suggestion of the ‘group mind’, this theory has been largely rejected. The main reasoning for this being that the theory does not acknowledge the importance of power in crowd behaviours, which appears to be a key factor in collective behaviour. One speculation that remains important from Le Bon’s group mind theory is that the feeling of crowd anonymity appears to be influential in creating various subsequent theories to explain crowd behaviour, such as the theory of deindividuation. However, the rejection of the group mind does not mean that we should then reject the study of group processes as groups have distinctive properties from individual behaviour. Instead, we should begin to look at group processes with a different perspective. Tajfel (1970) claims that all social behaviour falls on a continuum that spans from interpersonal to intergroup behaviour. Intergroup behaviour is defined with these three criteria: the presence of two distinct groups, low variability in attitudes and behaviour of group members, and low variability in one person’s attitudes to group members.  This helps to explain this readiness in which a person can switch from one view of someone to another (e.g. saying all catholics are bad people, and then going on to say the neighbor (who is a catholic) is such a lovely person). This can arise because when you become part of a group you start to see people as a category not as individuals. The theory of Deindividuation (Deiner, 1976; and Zimbardo, 2007) followed on to these early speculations. The model states that when surrounded by others in a crowd people lose self-awareness. Consequently, people become more susceptible to external cues and to the groups motives and emotions. Ultimately, these factors may lead group members to engage in unsocial and possibly antisocial behaviours. According to Zimbardo, being part of a large group can create a sense of anonymity and diffuses personal responsibility throughout the group for the consequences of one’s actions. This can lead to the loss of identity and a reduced concern for social evaluation. Behaviour resulting can then be impulsive and irrational as there are different set ‘normal’ social and personal norms. Zimbardo’s electric shock experiment gives support to the deindividuation theory, providing evidence that the mean duration of the shock administered by deindividuated participants (they were wearing a coat and a hood to increase anonymity) was nearly twice as long than that of the people who retained their individual identities. Further research also suggests that this sense of anonymity is increased as the size of the group increases and also increases in darker conditions. For example: the violent crowd in the Bristol riots, as darkness fell, violence escalated thus increasing the anonymity of the crowd members. Research by Jaffe and Yinon (1979) compared the mean intensity of shock administered by individuals with that administered by participants in groups of three. As they predicted, those who participated in groups consistently gave much stronger ‘shocks’ than those acting on their own giving evidence for the idea that the sense of anonymity increases with the size of the group. However, some research disagrees that increased anonymity leads to increases antisocial and aggressive behaviour. Some argue that deindividuation and anonymity may in fact result in decreased aggression and improved group relations, indicating that these antisocial behaviours may not be automatic or inevitable consequences of anonymity. Despite much of the early literature proposing that deindividuation factors such as anonymity, loss of self-awareness and group size are associated with antisocial and aggressive behaviours, some more recent findings suggest that deindividuation influences are often sometimes related to increases in pro-social normative behaviour. Zimbardo (1969) provides support for this criticism of the deindividuation theory, having participants either dress in KKK cloaks, or a nurse uniform in an electric shock learning experiment. Results showed that those wearing the nurse uniform chose to reduce the level of shocks administered, and especially in the deindividuated conditions – the person wearing no name tag. In fact, deindividuation by itself did not increase aggression significantly, even for those wearing the KKK outfit. These findings have an influential effect on the understanding of group behaviour as they show that being in a group does not necessarily lead to destructive, antiso cial behaviour as Zimbardo implied. It seems that crowd behaviour often tends to depend on the situation and how salient the norms are. Given the previous literature, Diener (1980) argues that the main factor in crowd behaviour is determined by a loss of self-awareness. He then suggests that factors present in crowd situations such as cohesion and anonymity, can lead people to focus their attention outwards and less on themselves and on personal standards. As a result, people’s behaviour becomes less self-regulated and more determined by immediate cues and norms present in groups around them. Subsequently, these cues will not always direct violence, but will vary across different situations. The literature also fails to consider the context of behaviour or to distinguish anonymity when someone is in a group from anonymity when they are alone. In addition, members of a crowd are barely ever truly anonymous; as individuals identities are often known to other members of the crowd, and they therefore only will appear anonymous to outsiders of the crowd. People often gain a sense of pride rioting together in a group, such as supporters of the same team at a football match, which is far from losing their identities. All of the previous models focus on what is lost when part of a crowd – loss of identity, loss of individuality, and loss of self-awareness. This perspective of understanding group behaviour is a negative and highly  unproductive way to think about collective behaviour; it would be much more productive to think about change (Reicher et al., 1995). Reicher’s research into crowd behaviour has come up with three important features of crowd situations. Firstly, crowds nearly always involve more than one group. This intergroup factor has been essentially ignored in the previous literature for crowd behaviour since the group mind fallacy. Secondly, he suggests that people do not become anonymous, but take on a new identity in a crowd. Reicher (1984) studied vivosection attitudes in Science and Social Science students, with science students generally being more PRO and social sciences students more ANTI. In each category, half of the students were made aware of group membership (e.g. seated together, reffered to as groups, wore KKK membership clothing, etc). Attitudes of Science students became more pro-vivosection and social science students become more anti-vivosection. These findings oppose Deiners theory that deindividuation leads to a loss of self-regulation and gives support to Reicher’s view that you don’t lose your identity in a group based situation, but your identity changes to fall in line with group norms. This follows on from Turners (1983) suggestion of the distinction between personal and social aspects of the self. There is a shift along the interpersonal group continuum from personal identity to social identity. There is then a change in what is seen as the appropriate standard of behaviour. These standards of behaviour and norms are now determined by the group’s social identity rather than by personal or environmental factors. This can help to understand why the behaviour of rioters and police can be so different, when they are exposed to the same stimuli, for when they adopt their respective identities they become influenced by very different goals and social norms. This shows that when a person becomes part of a crowd or group, their social identity as a group member becomes more important and their individual identity becomes less important. Although people may sometimes lose some sense of their identity at times, they will often adopt a stronger sense of their social identity as a member of that particular group. Crowd behaviour, according to Reicher, therefore involves a change rather than a loss of identity. Reicher’s new theory of  crowd behaviour raised four issues that do not fall in line with Deiner’s deindividuation theory. 1. Although crowd behaviour is violent, it is often under control at the same time. 2. Crowds are not always anonymous. 3. Though people are previously suggested to lose self-awareness in crowds and thus respond to cues in particular situations, how come people will respond differently? 4. If crowd behaviour leads to a loss in identity, how come a sense of pride often results from crowd interaction? When Reicher (1987) interviewed people who were part of the St Paul’s riots he received some interesting feedback such as â€Å"we feel great, we feel confident it was a vic tory† and â€Å"You were grinning at everybody, because everyone was from St Paul’s†. These statements provide evidence that those feelings of anonymity and a suggested loss of identity in groups are not present when people are successful in their groups perhaps gaining a sense of pride in their group and coming together to celebrate. To conclude, there are three important points that I would like to reiterate. Firstly, Zimbardo’s pessimism about groups is seemingly unjustified with much evidence pointing in the opposite direction. Depending on each particular situation and the norms that are important in each, behaviour can become either pro-social or anti-social in crowd environments. Though where Zimbardo does seem to be right is that people’s behaviour in a group situation can become much more extreme than how they would behave on their own. The second point is that people’s behaviour in crowds does not always worsen. Support from both Zimbardo and Deiner suggest that in groups people are subjected to a loss of identity and loss of control. However, Reicher’s more recent research into crowd behaviour suggests that this idea is mistaken. It has been shown that people’s behaviour is still in control, yet by different psychological processes. Groups seem to have a common goal in mind in acting as they do, and also that their actions are often motivated by identification with some group. Finally, when viewing group behaviour from an intergroup perspective, the goal and identity directed aspects of collective behaviour are more evident. In almost every situation of crowd behaviour, it is possible to determine an out-group, which will play an important role in the actions of the crowd. Overall, there are many different crowd psychology theories, some of which explain different aspects of crowd behaviour. However, research gives much support to the use of intergroup perspective rather than interpersonal theories to explain this phenomenon. References Diener, E. (1976). Effects of prior destructive behavior, anonymity, an group presence on deindividuation and aggression. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 33, 497-507. Diener, E. (1980). Deindividuation, self-awareness, and disinhibition. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 37, 1160-1171. Le Bon, G. (1947). The Crowd: a study of the popular mind. London: Ernest Benn. Reicher, S. D., Spears, R. and Postmes, T. (1995). A social identity model of deindividuation phenomena. European Review of Social Psychology, 6, 161-198. Reicher, S. D. (1984b). The St. Pauls’ Riot: An explanation of the limits of crowd action in terms of a social identity model. European Journal of Social Psychology, 14, 1-21. Reicher, S. D. (2008). The Psychology of Crowd Dynamics. Blackwell Handbook of Social Psychology: Group Processess, 9, 151-168 Tafjel, H. (1970). Experiments in intergroup discrimination. Scientijic American, 223, 96102. Turner, J. C. (1983). Some comments on ‘the measurement of social orientations in the minimal group paradigm’. European Journal of Social Psychology, 13, 351-368 Zimbardo, P. G. (1969). The Human Choice: Individuation, reason, and order versus Deindividuation, impulse and chaos. Nebraska Symposium on Motivation, 17, 237-307